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By Claudia Schrag Sternberg
What would it not suggest for the ecu to be a sound physique, and the place do our principles in this query come from? during this award profitable booklet, Claudia Schrag Sternberg explores probably the most major questions surrounding the legitimacy of the eu Union. in particular, The fight for european Legitimacy lines the heritage of buildings and contestations of the EU's legitimacy, in discourses of the ecu associations and in public debate. via an interpretive, non-quantitative textual research of an eclectic variety of resources, it examines either long term styles in EU-official discourses and their reception in member-state public spheres, particularly within the German and French debates at the Maastricht and Constitutional Draft Treaties. the tale advised portrays the historical past of legitimating the ecu as a endless contest over the ends and ambitions of integration, in addition to a balancing act - which was once inescapable given the character of the combination venture - among 'bringing the folk in' and 'keeping them out', and among actively politicising and intentionally de-politicising the stakes of european politics. Schrag Sternberg means that non-stop contestation isn't just a defining function of this background, yet a resource of legitimacy in its personal right.
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Extra resources for The Struggle for EU Legitimacy: Public Contestation, 1950-2005
Sample text
Prosperity was not to be had without peace, and peace was not to be had without prosperity. One of the greatest legitimating successes of supporters of the early Communities was to make trade and economic integration plausible as obvious and almost natural institutional choices in seeking to achieve European peace. How was this achieved? For one thing, the twin objectives of peace and prosperity had in common that they were indisputably desirable to everyone, at least as an end goal. 4 The widespread association of peace and prosperity as mutually inextricable goals displayed itself in the common storyline that, while the EEC’s immediate objectives and means lay in the economic realm, the ‘true nature and purpose of the Community’ was not economic, but political (Marjolin 1958:5).
10 Kevin Featherstone locates Jean Monnet’s legacy, in particular, in his having imbibed ‘the European integration process with a particular character – which was marked by technocracy and elitism’. Outputbased legitimacy claims, including the peace and prosperity narratives, linked the Communities’ and, in particular, the Commission’s capacity optimally to deliver on the expectations invested in them with their modus operandi defined by a ‘technocratic approach: government action following the advice of experts’ (Featherstone 1994:150, 154; see Radaelli 1999, Haas 1968, Wallace 1993:300).
38 The Struggle for EU Legitimacy In addition to its own expertise, the Commission early on claimed to ensure technocratic, impartial, and responsible decision-making through the involvement of stakeholders and consultation of interest groups, in particular, subnational economic interests (Tsakatika 2005:199). This practice was to become central in post-Maastricht discourses around the non-majoritarian modes of governance and participation analysed in Chapter 5. But already in its early decades, the integration process was marked by a focus on decision-makers or ‘the men who exercise leading functions in all fields’, that is, on political, economic, social, as well as technocratic elites (CEC 1958:14).