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By Julian Hoppit
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Characteristically they supported Catholic Emancipation – the removal of remaining restrictions on Catholic participation in public life. They wanted to see the benefits of English laws and institutions extended to Ireland (in the abstract a common position, as I have noted). 52 This however was a very ambitious agenda. We should not be surprised that wartime governments balked at it, nor that attempts to grapple with it often foundered. It was also quite amorphously conceived. Though its proponents were sure that there was a ‘condition of Ireland’ question, they often were unsure how to tackle it.
Second, much of the long-sustained increase is attributable to a rise in the volume of local legislation – though it is evident that the volume of general legislation also increased in most periods: the local did not expand at the expense of the general. These initial graphs also illustrate a number of points more strictly pertinent to the current inquiry. Thus, they illustrate one contrast that I have already drawn: between the volumes of Scottish and Irish legislation. It is clear that there was relatively little distinctly Scottish legislation – though it picked up a little towards the end of the eighteenth century.
7 draws on Julian Hoppit’s compilation, Failed legislation, to examine Scottish experience in this respect in the period covered by that book: down to 1800. The graph does not suggest to me that low, indeed declining levels of Scottish legislation after the union reflected abundant Scots proposals falling before an indifferent or hostile parliament. On the contrary: by and large, when acts were few, failures were also few. This is not altogether surprising. A proportion of bills commonly failed, at least on a first attempt.