
By T. H. Rigby
While Lenin and his fellow Bolsheviks seized strength in 1917 they sought to scrap the present buildings of presidency and alternative new ones in response to Marxist rules. This booklet makes an attempt a close account in their efforts to create a socialist 'cabinet' (Sovnarkom), to problematic potent equipment and techniques of operation, and to exploit it to manipulate the rustic. It examines what sort of humans have been appointed to Sovnarkom and who selected them. It indicates how components of the pre-revolutionary approach of presidency have been taken over besides former ministerial officers. Sovnarkom used to be headed by way of Lenin and this helped to make sure its early pre-dominance. however was once progressively overshadowed by way of the celebration principal Committee and Politburo, and the booklet seeks to give an explanation for why this occurred and why Lenin's efforts to opposite the method failed. The publication throws vital mild at the origins of the Soviet method of presidency.
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Additional resources for Lenin's Government: Sovnarkom 1917-1922
Sample text
2 Two members of the Central Committee, Zinoviev and Kamenev, had voted against the armed rising, and later sought to postpone it till the Congress of Soviets convened. On 26 October, between the two sessions of the Congress, there were feverish negotiations with the Left SRs, which broke down on the insistence of the latter that they would enter the Government only as part of a grand socialist coalition. 4 The upshot, as we have seen, was a Council of People's Commissars consisting solely of Bolsheviks, which the Left SRs agreed to support, while retaining their independence of action.
This, however, was not something that could be achieved with the stroke of a pen. It was to be several weeks before the Bolsheviks established control over the chief public offices in Petrograd and set them working for the 'worker-peasant government'. The process was hindered by the understandable failure of many civil servants to accept the legitimacy of the new regime and their consequent re luctance to serve it - a reluctance labelled as ' sabotage' by the Bolsheviks. Moreover the existing administrative machine was in any case ill-adapted to many of the immediate steps the revolutionary regime needed to take in establishing its authority.
Within the MRC itself this tension manifested itself in increasing exasperation at its own entrenched organic pattern, well illustrated by the cri de coeur of its secretary Gusev, quoted above. For Sovnarkom and its Chairman, nothing less than the dis mantling of the MRC and the distribution of its functions among the ' regular', specialised agencies of government would suffice for, while Sovnarkom was still far from achieving a fully operative and effec tive mechanistic system, further progress in this direction was blocked as long as the MRC was in the field.