
By Patrick Tyler
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Additional info for A Great Wall: Six Presidents and China
Example text
Instead, China is buying its military credibility by upgrading a portion of its armed forces for short-duration, high-tech warfare near its own shores. Central to China's emerging military strategy are contingency plans aimed at bringing Taiwan quickly to its knees with a barrage of missiles— new and more accurate ballistic missiles and cruise missiles—that could enforce a blockade, trigger a political crisis, and cavise a civilian exodus that would paralyze Taiwan's economy. At the same time, Beijing's military planners are seeking means to deter Prologue: The Risk of War...
S. support. But the shelling was symbolic and only scheduled on alternate days so the forces on each side had time to scamper to safety. Although Mao had to accept this stalemate, his determination to liberate Taiwan never flagged. He told Henry Kissinger in 1973 that it might take Prologue: The Risk of War . . "*! President Eisenhower's secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, who detested the Communists so intensely that he refused to shake hands with Zhou Enlai at the Geneva Conference of 1954, nonetheless struggled in die aftermath of Korea to keep America out of a new war with China triggered by Chiang Kai-shek's ambition to return to die mainland.
Public statements made by Beijing or Taipei often are attempts to gain leverage within diese private negotiations. Americans should beware of the ideological battleground that these old adversaries have shifted to American soil. Taiwan's leaders recognize that whether they eventually strike a deal with mainland China or declare their independence, the island's fate will ultimately be decided by the United States, which has always been the guarantor of its security. Both Taiwan and mainland China recognize America's crucial rote.