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By Sverker Gustavsson, Christer Karlsson, Thomas Persson
This e-book examines responsibility within the european from varied views and considers even if european voters have actual possibilities for containing decision-makers liable. This ebook severely analyses 5 arguments which declare there are enough ability for containing decision-makers to account within the Union. The authors examine:
- The argument that we must always reconsider the that means of responsibility within the ecu context
- The declare that there's no responsibility deficit within the ecu simply because member states have the facility to retrieve all delegated competencies
- The statement that ecu electorate have powerful mechanisms for containing these accountable for legislative decision-making to account
- The rivalry that the preparations that receive at the present for containing the administrative strength within the ecu to account are acceptable
- The trust that the involvement of organised civil society can paintings in its place to conventional types of accountability
The major end is that the present institutional set-up and perform of decision-making within the european is one who purely creates an phantasm of responsibility.
Using a strict framework targeting the adaptation among formal mechanisms and genuine possibilities for responsibility, this hugely coherent quantity could be of curiosity to scholars and students of ecu politics, in particular these drawn to the democratic foundations of the ecu political system.
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Additional resources for The illusion of accountability in the European Union
Example text
On any given issue, the United States can typically act unilaterally, dismissing demands for accountability. However, as I will argue below, even the United States needs to worry about its reputation. A pluralistic accountability system for world politics I do not have a normatively satisfactory solution for these failures of external accountability. In my view, the unevenness of arrangements for external accountability is caused by the power asymmetries of world politics and cannot therefore be rectified by any academic formula.
28 Heidrun Abromeit These examples indicate why it is so difficult to arrive at an all-European understanding of the essence of democracy. When the core concepts of national democracies often derive from pre-democratic traditions, and democratic and pre-democratic ideas are inextricably mingled, it would appear to be very difficult – maybe next to impossible – to find a core concept common to them all. Our French colleague Xifaras summed up this situation nicely in the words: ‘we have to admit that it is not possible to set a priori standards of what is democratic and what is not’.
For most British political scientists, public accountability (for the following see, in part, Bovens 2007a) is a critical component of democracy – perhaps the decisive element. Continentals do not even have a word for what AngloSaxons mean by it: an arrangement wherein politicians are answerable to voters, ministers to members of parliament, bureaucracies of various sorts to ministers, office-holders of the most varied kinds (including MPs) to the courts, etc. If this is taken to be the core of democracy, the crucial thing is that there be an intact chain of accountabilities (ending with the one enforced by the electorate), and that the entire process be public.