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By Michael J. Gerhardt
Michael J. Gerhardt comprises every one U.S. president’s functionality list relating to appointments, bills of just about all of the significant affirmation contests, in addition to dialogue of important felony and constitutional questions raised all through U.S. historical past. He additionally analyzes recess appointments, the Vacancies Act, the functionality of nominees within the appointment approach, and different therapy bought through judicial and nonjudicial nominations. whereas discussing the $64000 roles performed via media and expertise in federal appointments, Gerhardt not just places specific controversies in viewpoint but in addition identifies vital developments within the method, similar to how leaders of alternative associations try to protect—if no longer expand—their respective prerogatives via exercise their authority over federal appointments. applying a newly rising approach to inquiry often called “historical institutionalism”—in which the last word target is to check the advance of an establishment in its entirety and never specific personalities or classes, this ebook concludes with feedback for reforms in gentle of contemporary controversies springing from the longest delays in historical past that many judicial nominees face within the Senate.
Gerhardt’s extensive remedy of the topic could be of curiosity to scholars and students of political technology, govt, background, and criminal studies.
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Example text
Senators, too, have frequently acted as norm entrepreneurs. Thomas Walsh and Charles Curtis did so when they (and others) pressured Harlan Fiske Stone to become the first Supreme Court nominee to testify before the Senate Judiciary Committee in 1925. In 1979 Ted Kennedy initiated several other practices, most of which remain in effect to this day. He announced that senators who withheld the ‘‘blue slips’’ of persons nominated for judgeships from their states could no longer rely on the committee chair to kill the nominations.
S. senators. His campaign was successful, and culminated in his renominating several people whom the Senate had previously rejected, including Roger Taney as chief justice of the United States. Similarly, President Franklin Roosevelt successfully campaigned around the country in 1934 and again in 1936 to increase the number of Democrats in the Senate to ensure more favorable receptions for his judicial nominees, his court-packing plan, and his New Deal initiatives. He got most of what he wanted, including a Senate which quickly and easily confirmed every one of his nine appointments to the Supreme Court.
2 lvii Year of Confirmation table 3 (continued) Name and Party Affiliation in Senate Nominating President 1 Hugo L. ) F. D. Roosevelt (D) F. D. Roosevelt (D) Truman (D) Truman (D) James F. ) Harold H. ) Party Breakdown in Senate at Confirmation1 Year of Confirmation D-76 R-16 1937 D-66 R-28 1941 D-56 R-38 1945 D-54 R-42 1949 Total: 16 (including White twice) 1. Majority party and largest minority party only. 2. Only justice who served in the Senate after his term on the Court. \AS {*} * denotes chief justice.