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By Peter D. Feaver
How do civilians keep watch over the army? within the wake of September eleven, the renewed presence of nationwide protection in daily life has made this question the entire extra urgent. during this ebook, Peter Feaver proposes an formidable new thought that treats civil-military kinfolk as a principal-agent courting, with the civilian govt tracking the activities of army brokers, the ''armed servants'' of the countryside. army obedience isn't really computerized yet is determined by strategic calculations of even if civilians will capture and punish misbehavior.
This version demanding situations Samuel Huntington's professionalism-based version of civil-military kinfolk, and offers an leading edge method of creating experience of the U.S. chilly warfare and post-Cold struggle experience--especially the distinctively stormy civil-military relatives of the Clinton period. within the decade after the chilly battle ended, civilians and the army had various run-ins over no matter if and the way to exploit army strength. those episodes, as interpreted by means of company concept, contradict the traditional knowledge that civil-military kinfolk topic provided that there's danger of a coup. to the contrary, army professionalism doesn't on its own determine unchallenged civilian authority. As Feaver argues, company thought deals the easiest beginning for puzzling over kinfolk among army and civilian leaders, now and sooner or later.
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Additional info for Armed Servants: Agency, Oversight, and Civil-Military Relations
Sample text
Other contemporaneous observers coded the period differently, but again not in a way that would preserve Huntington’s explanation of the period. ”25 Another study showed a steady increase in the politicization of the professional education of military officers (Abercrombie and Alcala 1973). Certainly in critical issue areas like nuclear command and control, civilians showed a much greater willingness to assert control, “meddle” in the details, and otherwise violate the tenets of Huntingtonian objective control (Feaver 1992).
Did the higher levels of security provided in the late Cold War correspond with a convergence of civil-military opinion, as Huntington’s theory expected? 15 On matters of domestic policy, Russett and Hanson found that military elites were more conservative than civilian elites in general, although the business subsector of civilian elites was somewhat closer to the military (Russett and Hanson 1975, pp. 74–76). 17 More military respondents than business respondents saw war as likely; more military respondents than business respondents saw ground combat as effective and were willing to contemplate its use in hypothetical situations; more business respondents saw trade as beneficial; more military respondents than business elites thought defense cuts were deleterious (pp.
Although the 1976 survey asked only two domestic policy questions, the survey responses corresponded roughly to the profile that emerged from self-identification questions. Military officers were less likely than civilians to give the “liberal” response to the question of whether racial integration was moving fast enough. Likewise, military officers were far more likely to favor the “conservative” goal of fighting inflation rather than the “liberal” goal of fighting unemployment or giving equal emphasis to both, while civilians were more evenly distributed across the three options.