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By Michael Axworthy
A tremendous new and definitive paintings through the writer of [i]Iran: Empire of the Mind[/i\
Ayatollah Khomeini's go back to Tehran in February 1979 was once a key second in post-War overseas politics. a wide, well-populated and filthy rich country all of sudden devoted itself to a relatively new course: a revolution in line with the supremacy of Islam and contempt for either superpowers.
For over 30 years the Islamic Republic has resisted common condemnation, sanctions, and sustained assaults through Iraq in an eight-year struggle. Many policy-makers this present day proportion a weary want that Iran might in some way simply disappear as an issue. yet with Iran's carrying on with dedication to a nuclear programme and its recognition as a trouble-maker in Afghanistan, Lebanon and somewhere else, this can be not going any time quickly. The sluggish loss of life of the 2009 'Green Revolution' indicates that innovative Iran's associations are nonetheless formidable.
About the Author:
Michael Axworthy's Iran: Empire of the brain verified him as one of many world's significant specialists in this awesome nation and in his new ebook, progressive Iran, he has written the definitive heritage of this topic, one that takes complete account of Iran's exact background and is smart of occasions usually misunderstood by means of outsiders.
Read Online or Download Revolutionary Iran: A History of the Islamic Republic PDF
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Additional resources for Revolutionary Iran: A History of the Islamic Republic
Example text
In the new Jewish state a Jew became an ethnic identity and a Jew was, apparently, someone who was not an ‘Arab’ – not any Arab but someone who was not a Palestinian. Without such a definition the question of who was a Jew, a permanent source of trouble in the history of Israeli law-making and administration, would have remained an insoluble issue between religious and national definitions. 16 OUT OF THE ASHES OF THE NAKBAH | 25 GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION The new minority lived in six geographical areas in the state.
There were also those among the politicians who decided to learn and adapt to the rules of the Israeli system and try to protect the community from further erosion in its status and rights. These activists continued their public struggle throughout the early years of the military rule and I will name them in the next chapter to avoid overburdening the reader with too many details; here I just want to note that whoever decided to represent the community politically did so very early on. The political elite we refer to are those who opted for a middle course, believing that their legal position enabled them to protest within the state organs such as the Knesset or the local press – and this despite the fact that they lived under military rule.
32 The Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion, shared Palmon’s uncompromising view on the Palestinian minority: he regarded them as inherently hostile, a ‘fifth column’. 33 The presence of Palestinians in any number was an anathema for David Ben-Gurion, who had planned and supervised the ethnic cleansing of as many as possible. He now wanted to enclave the Palestinians within security zones and impose military rule upon them. Some of his colleagues, even those who were privy to that policy back in 1948, were now willing to ‘tolerate’ the presence of Palestinians in the Jewish state and did not see the necessity of Ben-Gurion’s harsh measures.