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By Michael Flamm
Within the mid-1960s, amid a pervasive experience that American society was once coming aside on the seams, a brand new factor referred to as 'law and order' emerged on the vanguard of nationwide politics. First brought by means of Barry Goldwater in his ill-fated run for president in 1964, it will definitely punished Lyndon Johnson and the Democrats and propelled Richard Nixon and the Republicans to the White apartment in 1968. during this thought-provoking research, Michael W. Flamm examines how conservatives effectively blamed liberals for the fast upward thrust in road crime after which skillfully used legislation and order to hyperlink the comprehensible fears of white electorate to growing to be unease approximately altering ethical values, the civil rights circulate, city ailment, and antiwar protests. Liberals, Flamm argues, have been against this not able to craft a compelling message for apprehensive electorate. as a substitute, they both neglected the crime situation, claimed that legislation and order was once a racist ruse, or maintained that social courses might remedy the "root reasons" of civil unrest. through 1968, this appeared more and more not likely and contributed to a lack of religion within the skill of the govt to do what it was once specially sworn to do-protect own safeguard and personal estate.
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Extra resources for Law and Order: Street Crime, Civil Unrest, and the Crisis of Liberalism in the 1960s (Columbia Studies in Contemporary American History)
Sample text
Given the possibility of future riots, that was critical. “This one issue could destroy us in the campaign,” he concluded. “Every night of rioting costs us the support of thousands. ”26 Yet Goldwater too feared an epidemic of racial violence, telling prominent Republicans in private that he was “scared to death” at the prospect of more riots.
86 Despite the attorney general’s efforts, expectations and anxieties would continue to mount from 1961 to 1964. Ironically, however, public concern over juvenile delinquency would wane even as the rate of youth crime rose dramatically. 87 But regardless of whether youths or adults committed the offenses, they led to a growing sense that the streets of America’s cities were unsafe—and that race was an integral element of the problem. In that climate, the poverty planners naturally saw their efforts as at least a partial response.
35 By the early 1960s, conservatives would reframe that linkage, asserting that the doctrine of civil disobedience had undermined respect for the law and fostered criminal behavior. But in the late 1950s it was the coupling of crime and integration that most troubled the NAACP, which tried to break the causal chain. ”36 NAACP President Roy Wilkins expressed similar sentiments. ”37 The troubling issue sparked a vigorous debate within the NAACP, which in 1958 reached an internal consensus. Publicly, it would stress that the black community stood ready to combat crime but would not accept sole responsibility for the fight.