Unfinished Revolutions: Yemen, Libya, and Tunisia after the by Ibrahim Fraihat

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By Ibrahim Fraihat

Post-revolution states usually locate that when a transition strategy starts off, demanding situations can come up, similar to political polarization and the specter of civil battle. A revered commentator on heart japanese politics, Ibrahim Fraihat compares 3 nations grappling with political transitions within the wake of the Arab Spring: Yemen, Libya, and Tunisia. Fraihat argues that to realize enduring peace and balance, post-revolution states needs to interact in inclusive nationwide reconciliation procedures which come with a countrywide discussion, a fact looking attempt, the reparation of victims’ previous accidents, facing the previous regime, and institutional reform. girls, civil society, and tribes, between different social forces, can aid the transition approach. Fraihat’s learn indicates how a few points of transitions were politicized and that every state has taken a selected process, elevating or diminishing the probabilities of civil conflict or a fit transition.
 
This publication relies at the unique box learn Fraihat performed over 3 years in Yemen, Libya, and Tunisia. it's the results of over two hundred interviews with key figures together with senior executive officers, heads of political events, innovative adolescence activists, former regime loyalists, representatives of women’s and civil society corporations, army and military commanders, tribal leaders, and participants of displaced groups.

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18 Donner, ‘Centralized Authority’, 347. Donner, ‘The Growth of Military Institutions in the Early Caliphate and their Relation to Civilian Authority’, Al-Qantara, xiv (1991), 311–26. 20 For military equipment, see pp. 173–8. E. Yapp (eds), War, Technology, and Society in the Middle East (Oxford, 1975), 32–43 which, despite the author’s somewhat cavalier attitude to the sources, makes some interesting observations. 22 For further discussion, see Morony, Iraq after the Muslim Conquest (Princeton, 1984), 197–8; the traditions about these troops have been collected and discussed in I.

61 The khandaq described here was obviously a well-defended quadrilateral enclosure. 62 Some khandaqs were clearly quite substantial structures. 64 ‘Abd al-Hamīd al-Kātib, writing at the end of the Umayyad period, gives instructions for the construction of a khandaq. After the baggage has been set down and the army has been assigned its places to stay, before any tents are set up. Each officer (qā’id) should be assigned a section of ground which he is to dig a trench (khandaq). It should be defended by hasak (either thorns or artificial caltrops).

The problem is rather that the figures often contradict each other and many seem to be formulaic round numbers rather than real assessments. Nor is there a clear relationship between the overall figures for men and their families enrolled in the dīwāns, and the numbers who could actually be recruited for military action. As a rule of thumb, I would like to suggest that the figures given in the sources may well be out by a factor of two, but unlikely to be out by a factor of 10: that is, a figure of 40000 may represent 20000 or 60000 but is unlikely to represent 4000 or 400000.

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