
By Sebastian Conrad
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Additional info for The Quest for the Lost Nation: Writing History in Germany and Japan in the American Century (California World History Library)
Example text
However, each of these versions could also imply a reaching out, a breaking of national fetters: for most historians, Germany’s historical task seemed to extend beyond Germany’s present borders. And this task was now anchored in the dichotomy of West and East, even of good and evil, which appeared to have become a virtually unquestioned, transhistorical reality in the rhetoric of the Cold War.
The failure of protests over the extension of the security treaty with America (anpo), in which many left-wing historians had taken part, also signalized the end of the interpretational monopoly of the critical, politically minded historiography of koµzaha Marxism. Modernization theory—imported from America and received in Japan as a conservative reading of history—and the history of everyday life (minshuµshi), as a competitor from Marxist historians’ own ranks, were the tendencies that appeared as alternatives to what had now become mainstream Marxism.
Following the usual argument of 36 · the origin of the nation the postwar years, he likewise based his rejection of the national order of 1871 on the thesis of a fateful continuity. ” These remarks demonstrate that the continuity question was always linked to the question of the “genuine,” “true” alternative course of German history. At least for Smolka it was evident “that the kleindeutsch solution . . ” It is striking, by the way, that this national “core,” to which both Schnabel and Smolka alluded, not only was an ideal entity but also frequently had geographical connotations.