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By Françoise Montambeault
Defining democratic luck as a change of state-society relationships, the writer is going past the clientelism/democracy dichotomy and divulges that 4 different types of state-society relationships should be saw in perform: clientelism, disempowering co-option, fragmented inclusion, and democratic cooperation.
Using this typology, and drawing at the comparative case research of 4 towns in Mexico and Brazil, the e-book demonstrates that the extent of democratic luck is better defined through an method that bills for institutional layout, structural stipulations of mobilization, and the configurations, techniques, behaviors, and perceptions of either country and societal actors.
Thus, institutional switch by myself doesn't warrantly democratic luck: the way in which those institutional alterations are enacted via either political and social actors is much more vital because it stipulations the potential of an independent civil society to emerge and actively have interaction with the neighborhood country within the social development of an inclusive citizenship.
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Extra info for The Politics of Local Participatory Democracy in Latin America: Institutions, Actors, and Interactions
Example text
Democratic quality therefore has two dimensions—social inclusion and accountability— both defined by the way the state and society interact. Democracy as Citizenship and Social Inclusion Central to the quality of democracy is the notion of social inclusion, of inclusive citizenship regimes. According to T. H. Marshall, “those who possess citizenship status are equal with respect to the rights and duties with which the status is endowed” (Marshall 1950). Being a citizen indeed means possessing civic, political, and social rights, as well as duties.
But even if comparing a large number of cases may lead to more parsimonious theories and may therefore have wider prospects for generalization (King, Keohane, and Verba 1994), it can also sacrifice some level of accuracy. Because the objective of this research is to tackle the complexity of interactions and agency, lowering the number of cases and conducting more in-depth studies of each case is the better strategy (George and Bennett 2004). This is particularly important given the lack of empirical research on these dynamics after reforms are actually implemented.
In fact, if institutional differences are important, they are not as determining as local sociopolitical contextual variables in explaining the variation in level of success for local initiatives across and within countries. PB is not, in itself, a superior model of participation. Local context matters, and it is therefore almost impossible to identify a single cause that explains the variety of state-society relationships that can emerge from participatory democracy institutions. Comparative case study and process tracing are methods that require an in-depth knowledge of cases, to which qualitative methods and political ethnography are well suited.