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By Angela Middleton
Evangelical missionary societies were linked to the techniques of colonization during the globe, from North the US to India, Africa, and into the Pacific. In overdue eighteenth century Britain the Church Missionary Society for Africa and the East (CMS) all started its missionary ventures, and within the early 19th century despatched 3 of its participants to New Zealand, then an unknown, little-explored a part of the area. This ebook anthropologizes the strategies of missionization, proposing a case research of the hot Zealand CMS project station, Te Puna, settled in 1832 following the closure of latest Zealand’s first project, verified in 1814.
The historic archaeology of Te Puna demonstrates the particularities of 1 outpost of early 19th century British colonization, yet its tale resonates all over the world, reflecting neighborhood variations in addition to universal styles in missionization. In all challenge kinds, domesticity is published as a vital, unifying quandary of the ‘civilizing mission’; different subject matters of interplay with indigenous peoples, loved ones economic climate, the improvement of trade, and social and gender family have been performed out. around the globe, a standard fabric tradition traveled with its evangelizing (and colonizing) settlers, with artifacts showing as cultural markers from Cape city in South Africa, to Tasmania and Victoria in Australia, and the much more distant Bay of Islands in New Zealand.
This ebook brings to existence the Te Puna project: an easy, rural family, the place the bigger dramas of cost, colonization, and tradition touch are sincerely mirrored within the archaeological and archival files. whilst, the techniques of missionization inside of New Zealand are put in the wider framework of evangelical efforts in different elements of the realm within the early 19th century.
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Extra resources for Te Puna - A New Zealand Mission Station: Historical Archaeology in New Zealand
Example text
Later in the same year, King responded to their entreaties to be sent home, sailing with them on board the Britannia to the Bay of Islands. Off the coastline of New Zealand, Tuki and Huru's relatives greeted their kinsmen, and exchanges of gifts (as well as names) were made between the two parties, Maori presenting Governor King with adzes and flax garments, while King gave Tuki and Huru axes, tools, spades, maize, wheat, potatoes, and pigs. King 42 2. 2. Te Pahi, chief of Rangihoua and Te Puna, c.
Does the cultivation of potatoes and the use of muskets mean the end of Maori cultural identity? Both Phillips (2000a,b) and Bedford (1994, 2004) found that on the Hauraki Plains, while change took place following 34 1 Introduction contact with Europeans, this occurred within a Maori framework, and demonstrated a continuity of the traditional practice of temporary abandonment and reoccupation of tribal lands. Moreover, as the Maori renaissance (Webster 1998) that began in the 1990s has demonstrated, the “impact” of cultural engagement was not fatal, but also led to a “hybrid vigor,” where Europeans were incorporated into the Maori world, contributing to a more dynamic tribal population base for the future.
Intertribal warfare was prevalent in the nineteenth century and earlier (Ballara 2003). It was only after the advent of Europeans that the term “Maori,” meaning “ordinary” or “usual,” was adopted to refer to Maori collectively, who previously identified themselves by tribe. Pakeha were not just British, but Scots, Irish, and English, as well as Portuguese, French, or American. Other groups also constitute this “other” immigrants from the Pacific Islands, Croatia, India and China (Smith 2004; Bozic-Vrbancic 2006).