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By Richard A. Keiser
Why have Blacks received political empowerment in a few towns and in others remained subordinated or had their achievements rolled again? Why perform a little towns have many Black leaders with multi-racial allure whereas different towns have none? Subordination or Empowerment solutions those questions via unique old examinations of the Black fight for political strength in Chicago, Gary, Philadelphia, and Atlanta. Keiser argues that electoral pageant between White factions has created possibilities for Black leaders to win actual political empowerment and steer clear of subordination. whilst electoral festival between Whites doesn't exist, Black votes lose their electoral leverage, resulting in the increase of extra-electoral suggestions. Keiser's dynamic conception of management formation explains the present charm of Black separatism and messianism on the neighborhood and nationwide degrees and the resultant upward thrust of leaders comparable to Louis Farakhan, and provides a rejoinder to Cornel West's critique of Black management in Race concerns.
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But Metcalfe was merely a replacement for another Black committeeman. 60 However, it is plausible that Daley viewed the slating of Blacks for aldermanic positions not as tokenism but as real rewards for crucial electoral support. But the significance of the machine slating Blacks against White Republicans in these wards can easily be overstated. These wards had rapidly turned predominantly Black. The machine had long ago conceded that the predominantly Black areas of the South Side could be represented by Black aldermen and Congress members.
Thompson's margin in the predominantly Black Second (80 percent) and Third (70 percent) wards was over 15,000. That is, approximately 71 percent of Thompson's victory margin in the 1919 mayoral election came from the two wards in which Blacks were most concentrated. To quiet charges of corruption in his administration, Thompson skipped the 1923 election. Running again in 1927, he received 54 percent of the votes and narrowly defeated incumbent mayor William Dever. Blacks gave Thompson 92 percent of their vote, and the two predominantly Black wards generated 56 percent of Thompson's victory margin.
For the first third of the twentieth century, politics in Chicago was characterized by intraparty factional competition as well as interparty competition. This environment increased the importance of Black votes. When the Black voters of the Second and Third wards were mobilized as a bloc, they often determined the outcome of important city elections. Because political leaders like Carey and DePriest were not bound to one faction or party, they had significant leverage with which to negotiate the delivery of large numbers of Black votes in exchange for benefits, including political empowerment.