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By Timothy Rowse
In the early Seventies, Australian governments started to deal with Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders as “peoples” with capacities for self-government. 40 years later, self assurance in Indigenous self-determination has been eroded via bills of Indigenous pathology, lost coverage optimism, and chronic socio-economic gaps. This list money owed for this shift via arguing that Australian pondering the Indigenous is a constant, unresolvable tussle among the guidelines of “peoples” and “population.” providing snapshots of moments within the final forty years in those tensions are palpable—from honoring the history and quantifying the drawback to acknowledging colonization’s destruction and projecting Indigenous restoration from it—this ebook not just asks if a settler colonial nation can educate the colonized within the arts of self-government, but additionally how might it justify doing whatever much less.
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The maturing of this contradiction between officially encouraged individual citizenship and persistent senses of collective identity and grievance gave rise to ‘self-determination’ policy in the early 1970s. Charles Rowley criticised government policy for trying too hard to individuate the Aboriginal client. 49 If ‘community development’ was an advanced tool for the promotion of social change, then it became 22 Recognising ‘Peoples’ and ‘Populations’ possible and necessary to evoke, in positive and hopeful terms, the Indigenous capacity for community.
Ritter argues that while the common law doctrine of native title encouraged Indigenous Australians to expect much of their customary law, the operational forms of native title have proved to be a more mundane and flawed ensemble of ownership and representation devices. Native Title Representative Bodies (NTRBs) are responsible for helping native title claimants to represent themselves. Although claimants are not obliged to use their regional NTRB, many do. Ritter argues that NTRBs are torn between the imperative to honour customary tradition and the imperative of bureaucratic accountability.
The juridical, individualist tendency within Paul Hasluck’s liberalism made him apprehensive about the persistence of Aboriginal peoples’ sense of identity and togetherness. At times, this apprehension took the form of revulsion. In 1959, he spoke of Aboriginal people being ‘tangled in their own distressed situation like flies on sticky paper. ’1 Even when the flies soar free, the image is hardly alluring to any Australian who has been on a picnic. However, we should not assume that Hasluck’s account of ‘assimilation’ was about only the susceptibility and resistance of Aborigines.