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By Norbert Hornstein; Maria Polinsky
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Example text
Hornstein (2003) and Boeckx & Hornstein (2004: 443) defend the MTC position by pointing out that Wh-islands are quite porous even to further Wh-movement. What did John say how to cook? Landau (2008a: 303–304) shows that Boeckx & Hornstein’s approach to OC across a Wh-phrase is insufficient. He argues that A-movement across (weak) Wh-islands seems to produce unacceptable results on the basis of the following examples: (3) a. Someone inquired how to welcome Malay visitors. b. There were Malay visitors inquired.
Thus, the null preposition must incorporate into promise. , it must obey the Extension Condition), and that by thus incorporating the DP becomes a direct object of the newly formed complex predicate, then a problem arises: to allow the embedded object to traverse the postverbal DP, Mary must be inside a PP. But to passivize, the P must incorporate into promise. The problem is that incorporation into promise must precede movement of pro if cyclicity is to be respected. But if P incorporates into promise then Mary will c-command the embedded clause and thus block movement of pro.
But when we combine (12) and example (4a), we see that the PIC Application appears empirically inadequate: it predicts that example (4a) should be grammatical. Here is why. In example (4a) there is no v in the main clause, thus on the strength of (12) embedded CP should be transparent up to the completion of the main clause (or merger of matrix C): (13) *There T-were [VP inquired [CP how [TP {there} T-to be Malay visitors welcomed]]] CP can be opaque to external probing and Agree only when a higher phase head (v) appears in the phrase marker.