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By Reba Soffer
History, Historians, and Conservatism in Britain and America examines the topics, causes, and private and highbrow origins of conservative historians who have been additionally profitable public intellectuals. of their look for a persuasive and broad charm, conservatives depended till not less than the Sixties upon background and historians to supply conservative recommendations with authority and authenticity. starting with the good struggle in Britain and the second one global warfare in the USA, conservative historians participated actively and influentially in debates in regards to the middle, soul, and particularly the brain of conservatism. specific emphasis is put on 4 historians in Britain--F. J. C. Hearnshaw, Keith Feiling, Arthur Bryant, and Herbert Butterfield--and 3 in America-Daniel Boorstin, Peter Viereck, and Russell Kirk-who built conservative responses to unheard of and perilous occasions either at domestic and in a foreign country. those historians shared easy assumptions approximately human nature and society, yet their matters, interpretations, conclusions, and prescriptions have been self reliant and idiosyncratic. Uniquely just about robust political figures, every one historian additionally spoke on to a wide public, which acquired their books, learn their contributions to newspapers and journals, listened to them at the radio, and watched them on tv. Provocative and compelling, Reba Soffer's pioneering research offers a entire rationalization of the content material, context, and results of conservative rules that turned dominant in Britain and remained marginal in the United States until eventually the Reagan ascendancy.
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Extra info for History, Historians, and Conservatism in Britain and America: From the Great War to Thatcher and Reagan
Sample text
One of the goals of intellectual history, especially when applied to historiography, is a revelation of the presumptions and organizing principles that historians bring to a particular study. An understanding of the ways in which intellectual history offers a perspective different from that of other disciplines can begin by considering what intellectual historians imagine that they are doing. To reveal the hidden imperatives that animate other historians, it is helpful to consider our own undeclared commitments.
In his perceptive studies of twentieth-century British institutions and politics, John Ramsden has maintained that conservatism was a pragmatic, often opportunistic, response to changing social, economic, and political circumstances. ⁵⁴ It is the historian’s intentions as much as those of the author being studied that determine an interpretation of a text and its context. Selection of both appropriate methodologies and the criteria for judging conclusions in intellectual history require the investigators to consider the purposes that underlie their particular research and writing.
While these disparate historians often differed in their policy prescriptions, they shared at least three common qualities that made them unequivocally conservative. The first and most fundamental characteristic binding them together was the traditional conservative’s profound suspicion of human capacities for reason, planning, and amelioration. The second common act of faith was their understanding of history as the story of survival against overwhelming odds. Those odds were weighted against the individual’s reason and will by the religious burden of the problem of evil, compounded by secular ineptitude.