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By Stephan F. Miescher, Michele Mitchell, Naoko Shibusawa
Gender, Imperialism and international Exchanges offers a set of unique readings that deal with gendered dimensions of empire from a variety of geographical and temporal settings.
- Draws on unique examine on gender and empire in terms of labour, commodities, model, politics, mobility, and visuality
- Includes assurance of gender concerns from international locations in Africa, the Americas, Europe, and Asia among the eighteenth to 20th centuries
- Highlights a number of transnational and transregional connections around the globe
- Features leading edge gender analyses of the stream of individuals, rules, and cultural practices
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73 British officials targeted Awadh administrators who were considered unmanly and sexually immoral. 77 According to Richmond, Haji Ali had demanded Rs. 80 Yet in 1848, another powerful khwajasarai, Dianut ud-Daula or Dianut Ali, was accused of ‘corrupt’ practices. 82 As such, the case took on a new significance for the Company as an example of the ‘corruption’ of eunuch officials. 83 With pressure from the British Resident mounting on the issue of khwajasarai ‘corruption’, on 20 June 1848, Wajid Ali called the Resident to a meeting where he proposed a written agreement preventing eunuchs, singers and other ‘inappropriate’ persons from holding or interfering with government offices.
275–96. Her argument is thus similar to what David Kuchta has shown in the case of British men from the time of the Glorious Revolution when English elites began adhering to ‘inconspicuous consumption’ and wearing less elaborate clothing as means of expressing their continued right to political authority. A growing middle class challenged this authority; they cast the elite as effeminate and profligate, and asserted that true liberty rested with the modest middle-class electorate. David Kuchta, ‘The Making of the Self-Made Man in Class, Clothing, and English Masculinity, 1688–1893’, in de Grazia and Furlough (eds), The Sex of Things, pp.
Readers may be surprised to find labour emphasised in Smith, but this is likely due to the fact that neoliberal discourse has impoverished our understanding of The Wealth of Nations such that Smith’s opus has been essentially reduced to two words, ‘invisible hands’, in order to justify a notion that a market economy should be completely unregulated. Smith, but more notably David Ricardo and Karl Marx after him, adhered to the labour theory of value wherein a commodity was worth the labour expended to create it.