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By Donald F. Tibbs (auth.)
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Extra info for From Black Power to Prison Power: The Making of Jones v. North Carolina Prisoners’ Labor Union
Sample text
Cleaver, himself an early member of the San Quentin Muslim temple, recognized how Black Muslims reached a high level of organization in the prison: Soledad, San Quentin, and Folsom were the prisons with the highest concentration of adherents to Islam . . Muslims in each prison had organized themselves into a Mosque, with a hierarchy patterned rigidly after the structure of the Mosques in the outside world. Each prison had its inmate minister, captain, and Fruit of Islam [the Muslim defense force] .
And why would they risk severe bodily harm to voice their opposition to the simple passing of a legislative act? The answers to these question are found in the history of the Black Panthers, their centerpiece in the legal war against the Black Power Movement, and their role in establishing and providing the intellectual (and actual) framework for the Prisoner’s Rights Movement. On that fateful day in May 1967, the Panthers thought they were introducing themselves to free blacks, but instead they were accomplishing something more.
He was a convicted felon, meaning that possession of a firearm was a parole violation. He was also a gifted editor for Rampart’s magazine—making him the only person who Newton trusted to write the “real story” about the Panthers. Essentially, Cleaver’s press credentials meant that he could be in the presence of the protest under the cover of reporting 30 FROM BLACK POWER TO PRISON POWER the event, although he was also a Panther and a welcome participant. This shielded Cleaver from a possible return to San Quentin Prison.