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By Angharad E. Beckett (auth.)
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After this, principle (2) can be viewed as the ‘difference principle’ and amounts to a call for a meritocratic society in which there is equal opportunity to be unequal, providing that any resulting inequalities work to the advant- 36 Citizenship and Vulnerability age of the least advantaged members of society. This may represent Rawls’ response to criticisms directed towards the earlier liberal thinkers in respect of their failure to take sufficient account of the inequalities that characterize capitalist societies.
As such, they do not conflict with the underlying values of the capitalist system, indeed they have at times been vital to the success of this system. Social rights, however, are seen as being ‘second generation rights’ and ensuring that the necessary financial resources are made available to meet the costs of these rights is largely a matter of political will. Barbalet (1988) has argued similarly, pointing to the conditional nature of social rights and questioning whether such rights can truly be regarded as citizenship rights at all.
The second part of Rawls’ political theory of democratic citizenship is concerned with the notion of identity. As Shafir (1998: 8) has noted, Rawls makes a distinction between an individual’s private and public identities: Since rights are attached to an individual’s public identity as a free and equal citizen and not to one of the features that determine her identity, such as religion or nationality, she is free to change her view of the good life (eg. convert from one religion to another) without being deprived of these rights.