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By Kenneth M. Setton, Harry W. Hazard
The six volumes of A historical past of the Crusades will stand because the definitive heritage of the Crusades, spanning 5 centuries, encompassing Jewish, Moslem, and Christian views, and containing a wealth of data and research of the background, politics, economics, and tradition of the medieval international
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Extra resources for A History of the Crusades, Vol. 3: The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries
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Conversely, in dealing with Tehran, it would be argued that the projected territorial arrangements for Muhammara were valuable gains. If the contextual justification for Grey’s compromise seemed fair enough, its historical/legal basis seemed distinctly confused, at least in Grey’s mind. It will be recalled that the Foreign Office had concluded that recognition of a midstream boundary in the Shatt would contravene Article 2 of the 1847 treaty. 30 The whole business of establishing a boundary along the Shatt al-Arab during the mid-nineteenth century had been confused and confusing—hence the concentration in this overview.
These arrangements are well described in John Marlowe, The Persian Gulf in the Twentieth Century (London: Cresset Press, 1962), p. 205. 6. The 1847 Iran–Iraq boundary was also confirmed by the Tehran Protocol of 1911 and the Constantinople Protocol of 1913. K. Ramazani, The Foreign Policy of Iran, 1500–1941 (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1966), p. 263. 7. For the text see “Treaty of Nonaggression (Sa‘dabad Pact): Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, and Turkey, 8 July 1937,” document 118 in The Middle East and North Africa in World Politics: A Documentary Record, vol.
That cooperation ended with the Iraqi revolution of 1958, which changed the nature of the Iraqi regime and its foreign policy orientation, exacerbating differences between the two countries. The period of cautious peaceful coexistence launched by the Algiers Agreement of 1975 ended abruptly with the Iranian revolution four years later. Sources of friction have been more persistent. The border dispute over the Shatt al-Arab has proven stubbornly resistant to settlement, fed by national pride, Iran’s demand for equal sovereignty over the waterway, and Iraq’s perennial sense of vulnerability due to its narrow access to the Persian Gulf.