Latin America’s Multicultural Movements: The Struggle by Todd A. Eisenstadt, Michael S. Danielson, Moises Jaime

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By Todd A. Eisenstadt, Michael S. Danielson, Moises Jaime Bailon Corres, Carlos Sorroza Polo

Latin America's Multicultural Movements is a set of empirically-based chapters that improve debates over the fight among communitarianism, autonomy, and human rights. Assembling one of the most eminent students of Latin the USA, it offers a powerful variety of perspectives on multiculturalism. In doing so it strikes past ideology and invitations readers to discover how multicultural reforms impact humans of their daily lives, in addition to in political events, elected places of work, and curiosity teams. It examines multicultural rights popularity in concept and in perform, multicultural and autonomy events within the Andes and in Mexico, and concludes via taking a look at the arguable position of the nation concerning multicultural rights.

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Extra info for Latin America’s Multicultural Movements: The Struggle Between Communitarianism, Autonomy, and Human Rights

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While Indigenous people were not the main actors in this case of popular insurrection, which included students, unions, and other popular sectors, in many ways Indigenous people paved the way for a broader expression of citizen outrage that took to the streets in defense of democracy. Still, there is no question that the Indigenous movement has lost some of the power that it had in the 1990s. 2). Fall of Mahuad Fall of Gutierrez First indigenous uprising 80 60 40 20 FEBRES C. 2 Number of Conflicts per Month Source: CAAP, elaborated by León Zamosc.

JEOPARDY? GENDER TROUBLE AND AFRO-LATIN AMERICAN MARGINALIZATION Beyond the possibilities of futility and perverse outcomes, Hirschman suggested that critics of reform often warn of unintended dangers for others. 3 2009 Bolivian Election: 32 Multicultural Rights Recognition in Theory and in Practice any claims about the actual efficacy of the reform in terms of solving the problem at which it is directed. Rather, it suggests “that the proposed change, though perhaps desirable in itself, involves unacceptable costs or consequences of one sort or another” (Hirschman 1991, 81).

Yet this democratic insurgency was not always sufficient to change political conditions; it was often dependent upon the decisions of national elites who had reason to be wary of these mobilizations. While several governments (Chile and Peru are perhaps the most notable) have resorted to repression against Indigenous activism, many elites saw in these mobilizations opportunities to restore democratic legitimacy, as many states were suffering from severe political-economic crises. More self-interestedly, ruling elites advocated decentralization schemes that could give great political power to Indigenous groups on local levels because these reforms would also weaken rival regional elites (Van Cott 2001; O’Neill 2003).

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